The Triad is Russia, China and the United States until Israel replaces the United States, then it is Russia, China and Israel – then there were two, Russia and Israel and then there was one: ISRAEL THE HOME OF THE DAJJAL, ANTICHRIST – that last move is the real reason that Yamantau (5) exists
We must always Be Prepared for Christ will return to Judgement at the end of this age, so stay in Confession of Faith in the True God in Eternal Faith & Beliefs in Him, Christians always in Eucharistic Thanksgiving always having nothing to do with Gnosticism and the Occult for they produce Gog and Magog at the end of the age, and these are always opposed to the true Messiah who is ‘Isa al-Maseeh for he Jesus Christ is the Truth; and always staying in Prayer to the True God and professing The birth of Jesus Christ from a virgin and praying The Psalms for all Godly purposes and always professing The Testimony of the Lord Jesus Christ, forThe Testimony of the The Revelation of The Lord God Jesus Christ is God’s True and Holy Word, and ours is to oppose The War of Antichrist against the Church and Christian Civilization being waged by the Triadand understanding what seeing the purposes of the Antichrist’s Plan revealed in the Triad Revisited – A Brief Look and knowing this is why the ZioNazi Antichrist who is the Dajjal is causing WORLD WAR III AND THE FALSE PEACE.
See:
Triad (9)
Triad Revisited (2)
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A dragon in space: China's space programme can no longer be ignored
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| Thierry Legault |
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| Thierry Legault |
In a different world those three taikonauts aboard Tiangong-1, silhouetted in the sun, would have joined their fellow human beings on the International Space Station [Ed note: - humanist Communist claptrap - propaganda ploy to lull and slide people over to the Triad's hidden out in wide open plan]
"We don't want to give [China] the opportunity to take advantage of our technology, and we have nothing to gain from dealing with them"
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The 1995 launch disaster was captured on Chinese television
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The Jiuquan launch facility in the Gobi Desert, Inner Mongolia
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The Long March rocket, prior to launch, that carried the Shenzhou-10 mission
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China's first manned mission to space blasts off in 2003
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Long March 3B AccidentNathan Taylor
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The Shenzhou-9 spacecraft approaching Tiangong-1 in 2012
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Qian Xuesen
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Taikonaut Yang Liwei during his mission to space in 2003
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Taikonaut Wang Yaping conducting a science lesson from space
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From left to right: Taikonauts Liu Yang (China's first woman in space), Jing Haipeng and Liu Wang before their 2012 mission, which involved China's first manned docking with Tiangong-1
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Chinese chief mission commander Zhang Youxia salutes after the successful launch of China's Shenzhou-10 mission
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On 16 June, famed astrophotographer Thierry Legault turned his camera towards the midday sun and captured the tiny silhouette of a heavenly palace, orbiting the Earth 350 kilometres from the surface.
A stunning image of the spinning nuclear fireball that gives life to our planet, Legault's photo shows the Sun stamped with what looks like the letter "H". Pictured between sun spot splodges, that "H" is a space lab, China's Tiangong-1 space lab, to be precise, and, docked with it, the Shenzhou-10 space mission.
Launched in September 2011, Tiangong-1 is 10 metres long and three metres in diameter, smaller than a double-decker bus. It is also known as the "Heavenly Palace";"Tian" roughly translates to "heaven" and "gong" means "palace".
It is the first in a series of space labs the Chinese are planning to build in the next seven years, culminating in the first Chinese space station, Tiangong, in 2020, the same year that the International Space Station's (ISS) current budget runs out.
For now, Tiangong-1 remains a humble prototype. Aboard that distant outpost of the Middle Kingdom were three taikonauts (the Chinese term for astronaut): Nie Haisheng, Zhang Xiaoguang, and Wang Yaping, China's second woman in space.
In a different world those three taikonauts aboard Tiangong-1, silhouetted in the sun, would have joined their fellow human beings on the International Space Station
The only other humans in space at that moment were three Russians, two Americans and one Italian on the ISS, which outsizes the proto-space station Tiangong-1 more than 50-fold.
A symbol of international co-operation, funding for the ISS exists only up until 2020 when, if its budget isn't extended, it will be decommissioned in the same manner as the former Russian space station Mir: crashing it into the ocean, with much of it disintegrating as it burns through the atmosphere.
Tiangong-1, a mark of China's isolation in space, also has a temporary lifespan. It is a training module designed to help the Chinese learn the techniques needed to run a space station. It has received three manned missions and will eventually be decommissioned. But in its place will rise Tiangong-2 in 2015 or 2016, with a fully-fledged Chinese space station due for completion by 2020.
China's manned space programme has been marked by both grandiose ambition and a startling ability to turn ambition into success.
It was only in 2003 that Yang Liwei became China's first man in space, an achievement that makes China one of only three countries to have independentely sent humans into space (the other two being the US and Russia).
Taikonaut Yang Liwei during his mission to space in 2003Getty
"After only a few human lights in space, [the Chinese] are already putting together a space station," says Richard Holdaway, Director of the Rutherford Appleton Laboratory (RAL) Space division, one of the UK's closest collaborators with the Chinese space program. "It took Nasa 20 or so years to be able to do that".
Since 2003, China has sent a further nine taikonauts into orbit. Its plans for space include sending a rover to the Moon later this year and a manned mission to the moon by the mid-2020s. China's latest mission to the Tiangong-1 space lab, Shenzhou-10, which blasted off from China's Jiuquan base on 11 June and returned on 26 June, is just another step towards achieving those goals.
"[Going to the moon] is in their strategy and whatever's in their strategy almost always happens," says Holdaway. Since 2005 his organisation has held workshops with Chinese space scientists, technologists and industrialists, alternating between China and the UK. Anywhere up to 500 people attend, notes Holdaway, with the majority from the Chinese side.
"We've typically taken between 20 to 30 people," he says. "They've [brought] anything from 100 to 2-300, even in 1 case 400, people".
The numbers are a sign, not only of China's obvious size, but also its thirst for scientific and technical knowledge. A thirst that the UK, more so than the US, is open to quenching. There's an easiness in the UK's relationship with the Chinese that doesn't exist in the US with Nasa, agrees Holdaway.
Largely excluded, by the US, from meaningful collaboration with the international space community in the area of manned space exploration, China is having to re-learn the techniques and technologies that the United States and Russia mastered decades ago. But what its competitors have in decades of prior experience, China has made up for it with political will. "They have a space as a strategy for government, as an end in itself, not just as a means to an end," says Holdaway.
The results of that political determination will be on display at the 64th International Astronautical Congress (IAC), which is due to be held in Beijing in September. Attended by the heads of space agencies from around the world, and thousands of others involved in space flight, the IAC is the space industry's comic con.
1996 was the last time it was held in China. At the time, though China's ability to send things into in space had improved since Chairman Mao lamented that his country couldn't even fire a potato into space, China's launch record was at best unreliable, and at worst, embarrassing.
Two major launch disasters in 1995 and 1996 had cast a shadow over the Chinese space programme. The first occurred when a Long March 2E rocket, carrying the Apstar 2 telecoms satellite, blew up shortly after launch from the Xichang space centre. Six people are believed to have died, with a further 23 injured by falling debris.
The 1995 launch disaster was captured on Chinese televisionGetty
Long March 3B AccidentNathan Taylor
The second, in February 1996, was far more deadly. A Long March 3B rocket, carrying Intelsat 708 exploded 22 seconds into the flight and crashed into a nearby village. The death toll was estimated to be as high as 200.
Those were dark days for the Chinese space program. But in the 17 years since, China has mastered its rocketry technology.
"In many areas, on launch vehicles [the Chinese are] almost as good as anybody. On satellites for things like weather forecasting , they're almost on a par," says Holdaway. "For science, both looking outwards [into space] and downwards at the Earth, they're probably about five years behind, but catching up all the time."
"They can't be ignored anymore," concludes Holdaway.
Though the US has by no means turned a blind eye to Chinese space endeavours, it is, for national security reasons, loath to engage with it.
Sending humans or satellites into orbit is, in many ways, no different to firing an intercontinental ballistic missile across the Pacific Ocean. The same expertise and technical know-how that allows a nation fire people into space also helps that nation fire missiles at aircraft carriers. And, of course, vice versa.
A good example of this was on display in 2007, when China shot down one of its own weather satellites with a missile, becoming the third country to show a capability for such reckless action (Russia and the US being, predictably, the other two).
Being able to put a rocket with a payload into a precise point in space and then track that payload lets you run a weather satellite; the same know-how also lets you shoot down that satellite.
US suspicions about the Chinese space programme are longstanding. Following the 1996 Chinese launch disaster, Loral Space and Communications, a US company, was fined $14 million by the US government. Why? Loral, which was conducting an independent review of the causes of the crash, sent a post-crash report to the Chinese. The information was believed to have helped the Chinese understand what was going wrong and therefore improve their rocket technology.
Indeed, today Nasa is banned from collaborating in any way with China.
"Nasa is prevented by Public Law 113-6 from engaging in bilateral cooperative activities with the People's Republic of China," a Nasa spokesperson told Wired.co.uk.
That law, sneaked into a broader spending bill in 2011, was the work of US Congressman Frank Wolf, who justified the law by saying: "we don't want to give them the opportunity to take advantage of our technology, and we have nothing to gain from dealing with them. […] Frankly, it boils down to a moral issue. ... Would you have a bilateral program with Stalin?"
Although the rhetoric may be more restrained in Europe, the European Space Agency (ESA) similarly has little or no collaboration with China's manned space programme. "We have no co-operatation at all with the Chinese space programme," says Karl Berquist, ESA's international relations administrator and an expert on the Chinese space programme. "Space remains very much political as it was in the West [during the Cold War]," he notes, later in our conversation.
To some in the West, China's space industry is a jungle with unclear distinctions about ownership and civilian versus military influence. (Of course, one might make the same point about the aerospace industry in any country).
The Shenzhou-9 spacecraft approaching Tiangong-1 in 2012Getty
"What you find in China is that there are many different actors involved in the space programme," says Bergquist. The Chinese National Space Agency (CNSA) is little more than a clearing house that co-ordinates funding and international co-operation, to the extent that such co-operation exists. According to Berquist, it has only between 30 to 40 staff, making it much more like the UK Space Agency and much less like Nasa.
The real work is done by an array of contractors, most of which fall under the umbrella of the state-owned China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation (CASC). Employing over 100,000 people, CASC develops military hardware like ballistic missiles and UAVs, as well as an array of space technology.
Over 125 smaller organisations operate under the CASC umbrella, most notably the China Academy of Launch Vehicle Technology (CALT), the China Academy of Space Technology (CAST) and its competitor the Shanghai Academy of Spaceflight Technology (SAST).
This tree of "corporations", academies and other organisations is China's attempt to replicate the model of independent contractors that made the US space programme a success. But understanding the extent to which the state exercises direct control isn't easy.
"We've been trying to figure that out for 20 years and we've still not properly figured it out," admits RAL Space's Richard Holdaway.
As Bergquist puts it, with a "how long have you got?" intonation, "it's tricky".
For the Chinese, however, the tension between centralised government and independent innovation lies at the heart of China's development, and not only in space.
"It's quite clear that China started the 20th century as, to put it mildly, a country that was far behind places like Europe and America and was deeply conscious of that [fact]," says Christopher Cullen, Director of the Needham Research Institute in Cambridge and a honorary professor of the Chinese Academy of Science in Beijing.
"At the end of the WW2, the May 4th Movement [declared] that China was in urgent need of visits from two foreigners," says Cullen. "Mr Science and Mr Democracy."
Although Mr Democracy never showed up, the Chinese government has been chasing Mr Science ever since -- partly through "an efficient network of industrial espionage" as Cullen puts it.
A literal embodiment of "Mr Science" was Qian Xuesen, the father of the Chinese space programme. Born in China, he studied Aeronautical Engineering in the United States at MIT and helped to establish Nasa's Jet Propulsion Laboratory (JPL).
Qian XuesenPA
Trusted as a leading US aerospace engineer, he was sent to Germany in the aftermath of World War Two to interrogate German rocket scientists. In a delightful moment of history, one of the rocket scientists he interviewed was Wernher Von Braun, who would later be known as the father of the US space program.
Qian would later be accused of harbouring Communist sympathies. Stripped of his security clearance, a disillusioned Qian attempted to return to China. However, a man with such extensive knowledge of the United States' vital military secrets could not be allowed to leave the country and the US government detained him at the airport and placed him under house arrest for five years.
Finally, in 1955, he was allowed to leave the country in exchange for American fighter pilots captured during the Korea War.
"It was the stupidest thing this country ever did. He was no more a Communist than I was, and we forced him to go," said Dan Kimball, undersecretary of the US navy at the time.
Qian was indispensable to the development of China's missile and space programmes. His presence was even more crucial after 1960, when the falling out of Russia and China put a halt to Soviet technical assistance. The Long March family of rockets, which put China's first satellite into space in 1970, was developed with his leadership and is still in use to this day.
The Long March rocket, prior to launch, that carried the Shenzhou-10 missionPA
Qian certainly helped China play catch up with the United States and Russia, but his efforts alone would not bridge the gap that had grown over centuries since the industrial revolution.
For millennia, Chinese society was the pinnacle of human civilisation. The three basic inventions that shaped learning, warfare and navigation are all Chinese: paper, gunpowder and the compass.
The economic transformation in the 1700s of a divided and competitive Europe, as opposed to a centralised and, some argue, stultified, China, put paid to China's preeminence. The defining narrative of modern Chinese history has been a constant drive to correct this blip.
"Clearly the modern Chinese space programme has certain special national resonnances in China, since after all China in the 13th century was the place where the gunpowder rocket was invented," says Cullen.
But the distinction between being a nation that can demonstrate great feats of technical ability and a nation that invents those technologies is an important one.
"I do not wish to denigrate the magnitutde of the effort and success that China has got in achieving this," says Cullen. "[But] if your government is willing to spend the money decade after decade you can guarantee you'll get [to space]."
"Putting vast amount of resources into doing a technical thing very well is not the same as developing radically new intellectual property that starts a new industry."
Sending satellites into orbit, landing a person on the moon, building a space station: these things are all extremely difficult, and expensive, but they aren't novel. Rocket science, despite the oft-heard quip, is actually a very well understood area of science.
With some arguing that the next chapter of space travel will be defined by private companies, not by governments, it's worth noting that some of the latest launcher and spaceship technology is being innovated by US companies like SpaceX. Though China has also set a manned mission to Mars as a goal, it's possible that a private US venture, Inspiration Mars, will be the first to visit, though not land on, the Red Planet.
Creating its own intellectual property -- inventing new science and new technologies -- is the greatest challenge that China faces as a rising power. The interpretation that China's relative decline during the Industrial Revolution was due to too much centralisation resonates with views on modern China: "[It] feeds into the idea of whether a still very tightly controlled and centralised state like China is a state that's going to be a fruitful environment for scientific innovation over the next 20 years," says Cullen.
Taikonaut Wang Yaping conducting a science lesson from spaceGetty
During China's latest manned mission to space, taikonaut Wang Yaping broadcast a 40-minute science lesson from the Tiangong-1 space lab. "We haven't seen any UFOs," she joked to the school children watching. It was an exercise in public engagement that mirrored Chris Hadfield's on the ISS.
China is fast becoming the preeminent nation for manned space exploration. The West still holds a scientific and technological edge and it is possible that the ISS's funding will be continued through 2020, not least because it's difficult to imagine the Russians and Americans letting China be the only nation with a permanent presence in space.
[Ed note: This statement: " it's difficult to imagine the Russians and Americans letting China be the only nation with a permanent presence in space" is the most blatant cover up image imaginable - the number of space weapons platforms is huge, SDI (Star Wars) always did work and the -- Weapons Platforms/Spy Satellites/Communications - Secret surveillance of populations Satellites -- in orbit are American, Russian, British, French and Israeli with the Chinese now assuming a place there as well.]
There is a great deal of money and political will to send humans into space in China. It's only a matter a time before the isolation of China's space programme becomes entirely untenable. And that will only be a good thing for humanity generally. The political concerns about the use of space technology seem entirely tractable when you consider, in Cullen's words, that "Earth is a tiny speck of the dust in the immensity of the universe on which our human species crawls".
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